JMR 16, 2023  201-238

The Mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar 
in Roman colonia Augusta Firma - Astigi (Écija, Seville, Spain) - II 

Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de 
Armas’ın Domus I Mozaikleri - Astigi (Écija, Sevilla, İspanya) - II

 Sergio GARCÍA-DILS DE LA VEGA - Salvador ORDÓÑEZ AGULLA*  

(Received 14 January 2022, accepted after revision 16 August 2023)

Abstract
The Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar of Ecija (Seville, Spain) has been object of 
archaeological excavations and restoration interventions since 2001, which have revealed that this luxurious 
urban residence was completely reformed in the Severan period, when several rooms and the central courtyard 
were decorated with mosaic pavements of different thematic. In 2015 was discovered the so-called mosaic of 
the Loves of Zeus, which decorate the triclinium of the domus, with several scenes from this mythological cycle, 
along with Bacchic themes and characters, and the representation of the seasons. In this paper is offered an 
update on the progress of research relative to this outstanding mosaic.

Keywords: Roman mosaic, Astigi, Loves of Zeus, seasons, grape harvest. 

Öz
Ecija’nın Kraliyet Sarayı (Sevilla, İspanya) Plaza de Armas’taki Domus I, 2001’den beri arkeolojik kazılar 
ile restorasyon müdahalelerinin nesnesi olmuştur ve bu lüks kentsel konutun Severan döneminde tamamen 
yenilendiği, bazı odalar ve merkezde yer alan avlunun farklı temalardaki mozaiklerle dekore edildiği tespit 
edilmiştir. 2015 yılında, domusun tricliniumunu süsleyen Zeus’un Aşkları mozaiği, bu mitolojik döngüden birkaç 
sahne, Bacchic temaları ve karakterleri ile mevsimlerin temsili keşfedilmiştir. Bu makalede, bu olağanüstü 
mozaikle ilgili araştırmaların ilerlemesi ile ilgili güncel bilgiler sunulmaktadır.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Roma mozaiği, Astigi, Zeusun aşkları, mevsimler, üzüm hasadı.

DOI: 10.26658/jmr.1376800 (Research Article / Araştırma Makalesi) 

*   Sergio García-Dils de la Vega, National University of Distance Education (UNED), Associated Center in Seville, Spain. https://orcid.org/0000-
0002-2648-0001. E-mail: sergarcia-dils@sevilla.uned.es

 Salvador Ordóñez Agulla, University of Seville, Spain. https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4965-0154. E-mail: sagulla@us.es   
     

 This publication is the second part of García-Dils - Ordóñez 2022.

https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2648-0001
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4965-0154


202    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

The Triclinium of Domus I: Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus
In 2014, an archaeological campaign was planned in the Plaza de Armas with 
objective to complete the knowledge of the remains of the medieval fortification1. 
The first indication of the existence of a new room, decorated with a mosaic 
pavement, appeared in March 2015, to the west of the previously documented 
structures of Domus I, in an area heavily affected by the medieval pits for the 
extraction of building materials. We then located, in the small excavated area, 
a sector decorated entirely with a uniform pattern of three-dimensional cubes. 
Due to logistic circumstances, the extension of the excavation was postponed 
until April of the same year, when a scene identified as a Rape of Europa was 
uncovered. Finally, the excavation of the entire room was completed in May 
(Fig. 1). The poor state of conservation of the mosaic made a rapid extraction 
advisable, taking place in July. Two years later, in December 2017, the mosaic, 
divided into thirty fragments of different dimensions, was transferred to 
Seville to be restored in the facilities of the Andalusian Institute of Historical 
Heritage (IAPH). The particularly complex and delicate restoration process 
was completed in December 2018, and the mosaic was replaced in its original 
location in November 2019 (Fig. 2).

This room had dimensions of between 7.42 and 7.91 m from north to south, and 
between 4.62 and 4.71 m from west to east, about 25 x 15 Roman feet. It had 
a single access, located at the northern end of the eastern wall, measuring 1.55 
m x 0.56 m. The west and east walls of the room were aligned on the colonial 
grid,2 while the north wall was slightly deviated to the south, and the south wall 
showed a completely divergent direction, determined by the layout of the terrace 
that bounded the domus to the south. Some elements as: the position of the room, 
forming the south-west corner of the building, the location of its entrance, its 
notable dimensions and proportions,3 as well as the compositional scheme of 
the mosaic, indicate that it was probably a triclinium (cf. García-Dils et al. 2009: 
532 n. 34).

1 The archaeological excavations were carried out by the City Archaeology Office of Écija, led by Sergio 
García-Dils and directed by Ana Santa Cruz and Cristina Cívico (García-Dils et al. 2016: passim).

2 The orientation of the kardines of the colonial grid plan is 335,4° (True North) (García-Dils 2015: 145).
3 The average interior dimensions of the room are 7.66 x 4.66 m, giving a ratio of 1.64:1. In other 

words, it follows the well-known theoretical parameters of the golden ratio of 1.62:1.

Figure 1 
Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus after its 
excavation. Orthophotography by Diego 
Gaspar (Arqueocad) for the City Archaeology 
Office of Écija.



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The preservation of the mosaic pavement is due to a series of fortunate 
circumstances, considering the remarkable general level of razing of the building, 
leaving hardly any standing remains of its walls. Furthermore, a medieval trench 
for the recuperation of building materials had destroyed the entire south-eastern 
corner of the room, causing the partial loss of the mosaic sub-base and creating 
numerous cracks and damage (Fig. 1).

The mosaic decorated the entire surface area of the room, 37.05 m2, as also 
the entrance threshold. The general composition of the mosaic, which combines 
figurative and geometric panels, is a simplification of the typical “T” + “U” 
layout, forming a design of inverted and opposing squares or “L” shapes (Figs. 
2-3).

Figure 2 
Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus after its 
restoration. Orthophotography by Sergio 
García-Dils.

Figure 3 
Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus. References. 
Orthophotography by Diego Gaspar 
(Arqueocad) for the City Archaeology Office 
of Écija; drawing by Sergio García-Dils.



204   Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

From the margin towards the centre, the compositional scheme is based on a 
perimeter band of white tesserae, decorated with crosses or rosettes (Fig. 3-A). 
This band forms a white field in contact with the walls and the entrance to the 
room, with small black flowers, carelessly shaped and unevenly distributed. 
Clearly, this perimeter band, of variable width, was created at the end of the 
process, to fill the space between the mosaic carpet and the walls, compensating 
for the irregularity of the floor plan of the room, and using leftover tesserae of 
different shapes and sizes.
A white line formed by two regular rows of tesserae, 2 cm wide, is followed by 
a black line with the same characteristics and a border of spirals that encloses 
the floor at all four ends, with a width of around 17 cm (Fig. 3-B). Next, after 
a line made up of three rows of white tesserae, 3 cm wide, in the northern part 
of the mosaic there is a well-executed broad braided border, between 23 and 
25 cm wide, framing a field containing scenes related to wine production and 
agricultural fertility (Fig. 3-C). The lower border is connected to a thinner 
three-strand braid border (Fig. 3-D), surrounding the area containing the central 
scenes. The meeting of the braided patterns is particularly well accomplished.
After a 2 cm long black-and-white serrated fillet, the remaining L-shaped field 
(Fig. 3-E), is filled by three-dimensional cubes. The configuration of this area 
and its position in the room as a whole suggest that the geometric decoration 
may be considered as a marker of use, and that this space was probably intended 
for the position of the lecti.

The compositional scheme, especially regarding the three-dimensional cubes, 
has direct parallels in Écija itself, with almost identical characteristics. Firstly, 
we find a similar sequence of geometric motifs in the mosaic of the Triumph of 
Bacchus in Plaza de Santiago nº1, in this case along with a border of interlaced 
swastikas forming a meander (Fig. 4) (CMRE XIV: nº8, 45-50; Fernández 

Figure 4
Mosaic of the Triumph of Bacchus from 
Plaza de Santiago nº1. Photography by 
Sergio García-Dils.



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Gómez 1997: passim; García-Dils 2015: 295-296). This pavement has also 
two particular scenes: Leda with the swan and a Dioscuros with the horse, very 
similar in composition and execution to those documented in the example from 
Plaza de Armas. Both mosaics were certainly the work of the same workshop. 
Other parallels have been documented in the mosaic of Briseis or a scene from 
the Iliad, from Calle Espíritu Santo - Barrera de Oñate (CMRE XIV: nº26, 67-68; 
García-Dils 2015: 350-360), and in the so-called “mosaic of cubes” from Plaza 
de España (CMRE XIV: nº40, 84-85; García-Dils et al. 2011: 773-774 fig. 2a).

We find in the mosaic clear spatial markers, as Mañas (2007-2008: 97-99) calls 
them, specifically the geometric patterns of three-dimensional cubes joined at 
right angles at the SW end of the room, which indicate that we are more properly 
dealing with a biclinium. Aware of this, we use the expression ‘triclinium’ in its 
generic sense and due to its wide use in both ancient sources and historiography.

In order to evaluate the density of the disposition of the tessellae, we carried out 
a systematic sampling in all the representative and well-preserved sectors of the 
mosaic and found that it varies considerably according to the motifs represented 
in the carpet. Therefore, the geometric patterns and the background present 
homogeneous values that remain around 135 tesserae/dm², with larger and more 
regularly cut pieces, placed with a careful adjustment between them. On the 
other hand, the figured decoration has a density that oscillates between 200 and 
230 tesserae/dm², with a very variable size of tessellae, with irregular outlines, 
depending on their function within the design, leaving a wide separation that, in 
some cases, exceeds the size of the pieces themselves.

1. The Seasons of the Year

The theme of the four seasons is particularly well documented in the mosaics of 
Baetica4 and Écija, which has three other pavements in which representations 
of this type can be identified with certainty. Indeed, Summer and Autumn are 
preserved in the aforementioned Triumph of Bacchus in Plaza de Santiago nº1 
(Fig. 4) (CMRE XIV: nº8, 45-50; Fernández Gómez 1997: passim; García-Dils 
2015: 295-296); Autumn and Winter in the mosaic of the Rape of Europa in 
Calle Espíritu Santo (CMRE XIV: nº21, 59-62; García-Dils 2015: 350-360); 
Spring, Summer and Winter in the mosaic of the Allegory in Avenida Miguel 
de Cervantes nº35 (Fig. 5) (CMRE XIV: nº32, 73-75, where autumn and spring 
have been confused; Rueda - López 2011: 794; García-Dils 2015: 380-386). In 
all three, the sequence is shown in an anti-clockwise direction.

This list could be lengthened from the fragment located in Avenida Miguel de 
Cervantes nº34 (CMRE XIV: nº6, 43; García-Dils 2015: 287-294) and fragment 
2 with an allegorical bust at Avenida Miguel de Cervantes nº26-28 at the corner 
with Calle Cava (CMRE XIV: nº18, 56-57; García-Dils 2015: 339-345) if 
they are interpreted as the Spring. Also, the character wearing a petasos, in the 
preserved corner of the mosaic with a rosette of triangles documented in Calle 
del Conde nº8 (CMRE XIV: nº30, 69-72; García-Dils 2015: 368-369), perhaps 
could be associated with Summer. Finally, in the Okeanos mosaic uncovered in 

4 For a recent study on this theme in Hispania, with a review of the attributes of the respective seasonal 
representations in the numerous testimonies of this motif in the Iberian Peninsula, vid. Duran Kremer 
2011: passim; Rueda 2011: passim. For a general overview of this subject, see Abad 1990a: passim; 
Abad 1990b: passim. For the assignment to Italica of two mosaic fragments with motifs of the Seasons 
hitherto assigned to Orippo (Dos Hermanas, Seville), see Camacho 2021. For a reconsideration of a 
pavement of Carmo (Carmona, Seville) with the Seasons in the light of the new finding of the bust of 
Summer, see now Márquez 2016.



206    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

Plaza de España (CMRE XIV: nº45, 88-90; García-Dils et al. 2011: 774-775 figs. 
4c and 4d), the four birds perched on tree branches may be suggested as seasonal 
evocations.

As in the rest of Hispania, the most commonly represented type is that of the 
female bust or head, occasionally with Autumn as a male character, shown 
frontally or in three-quarter view, and with the figures arranged in a counter-
clockwise direction.5 

Consistent with the usual models, Spring is immediately recognisable in the 
mosaic from Écija (Fig. 3-1), in an inset measuring 68.5 cm (W-E) by 63.0 cm 
(N-S),6 characterised as a woman depicted frontally and with her head slightly 
turned to her left, wearing a necklace and a floral crown and surrounded by 
thistles in bloom, a characteristic element of the allegories of Spring (Fig. 6). 
The arrangement of the thistles, protruding from behind the figure’s shoulders, 
is reminiscent of the representation of spring in the mosaic of the Bacchic busts 
from Italica.7 It can be ascribed to Group 2 of the representations of this season 
established by Duran Kremer in his study of the seasonal mosaic representations 

5 For the usual iconography of the seasons, see Simon 1966: 468-473 and Parrish 1984: 19-42. On the 
meaning of the seasons as entities of a beneficial and prophylactic character and symbols of fertility 
and renewal of nature, a transcript of the prosperity of the users of their representations and the 
positive connotations and happiness that were associated with this type of motifs and allegories, see 
Levi 1963: 227; Levi 1971: 85, 161, 230; Dunbabin 1978: 158.

6 The dimensions given below in the text are taken between the centres of the black lines delimiting the 
respective squares, which have a width of two tessellae throughout the pavement. 

7 CMRE II: nº3, 27-28 pl. 13.1. It is worth remembering here the fame and price of thistles produced in 
Corduba (Plin. nat. 19.152).

Figure 5
Mosaic of the Allegory, from Avenida Miguel 
de Cervantes nº35. Photography by Sergio 
García-Dils.



The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ...  / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ...   207

of the Iberian Peninsula.8 
To the right, a representation of Summer (Fig. 3-2) is partially preserved, also 
wearing a necklace, framed in an incompletely preserved field measuring 69.0 
cm (W-E) by (45.0) cm (N-S) (Fig. 7).9 Despite its state of preservation, it is 
easily identified as the summer season by its position in relation to the others, as 
well as by the presence of cereal ears behind the figure, who is also dressed in a 
light tunic that exposes the right shoulder.

8 Duran Kremer 2011: 192. An overview of the representation of this season in Hispanic mosaics can be 
found in Rueda 2011: 161.

9 Originally, it would have been 61.0 cm (N-S). Parallels in Hispania of the musive summer representation 
are studied in Rueda 2011: 160.

Figure 6
The Spring. Photography by Sergio García-
Dils.

Figure 7
The Summer. Photography by Sergio García-
Dils.



208   Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

Autumn (Fig. 3-3) has been completely lost, except for a small blank area in the 
north-west corner of the square, which does nothing to suggest its evocation, 
with preserved dimensions of (25.0) cm (W-E) by (10.0) cm (N-S).10

Finally, we have Winter (Fig. 3-4), inside an inset measuring 71.0 cm (W-E) by 
63.0 cm (N-S), characterised as a woman with her head covered, wrapped in a 
heavy cloth, crowned with very schematic rushes or reeds (Fig. 8).11 Next to the 
figure is a plant motif that can be identified as an olive branch with fruit, alluding 
to the harvest season.12 From an iconographic point of view, this allegory is 
particularly reminiscent of the representation of Winter found in the Mosaico de 
los Amores from Cástulo (López Monteagudo 2014: passim; López Monteagudo 
- San Nicolás 2012-2013: 23-24). The image of the mosaic from Écija can be 
typologically ascribed to Group 1 of the Winter images determined by Duran 
Kremer (2011: 194).

The representation of the seasons in the form of busts was a very popular type 
of decorative motif in mosaic pavements, especially from the middle of the 2nd 

century AD, as can be seen in the mosaics of Italy, the Syro-Palestinian strip and 
Africa, where they spread widely (Parrish 1984: passim). The composition that 

10 Full dimensions would be 71,0 cm (W-E) x 61,0 cm (N-S).
11 As can be seen, for example, in two seasonal busts from Italica (CMRE II: nº1, 25-26 pl. 7.3; nº25.3, 

44 pl. 51.1), which are reeds –alluding to the humidity of the season– or, rather, dry branches without 
leaves, also associated with winter. In Écija itself, a representation of reeds can be seen in the winter 
figure, badly damaged, in the aforementioned mosaic of the Allegory from Avenida Miguel de Cer-
vantes nº35 (Fig. 5).

12 In African mosaics, it is a recurring motif linked to winter, as Parrish (1984: 32) points out: “Both the 
reed and the olive appear as floral attributes of the Winter season in African pavements”. Among the 
African parallels, the Algerian mosaic of the Four Seasons of Aïn-Babouch (Parrish 1984: nº4, 99-101 
pl. 7a) is worth mentioning. The association of the olive tree with winter can be seen in the aforemen-
tioned mosaic of the Allegory from Avenida Miguel de Cervantes nº35 (Fig. 5). Also, in the mosaic of 
Eros and Psyche in Corduba (CMRE III: nº7, 23-24 pl. 9; Rueda 2011: 160). For an overview of olive 
tree depictions in ancient art, vid. López Monteagudo 2007: passim.

Figure 8
The Winter. Photography by Sergio García-
Dils.



The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ...  / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ...   209

places the seasons in the corners of the composition, as is the case here, appears 
to be typical of the second century in Africa (Parrish 1984: 59-63). It has been 
noted that it is from this time onwards that the cycle of the seasons is linked to 
the Emperor, celebrating his rise to power as a manifestation of the Felicitas 
Temporum (Hanfmann 1951: I, 169, 172-173, 176; Quet 1981: 146-148, 193-
196; Abad 1990b: 11-13).

In addition to being a recurring iconography, the Loves of Zeus traditionally 
have a symbolic relationship to certain constellations or phases of the year, 
given the connotations of deity of the heavens, nourishing god, master of rain 
and god of agriculture, also a documented facet of Zeus-Jupiter in relation to the 
grape harvest and the making of wine.13

In Baetica, we have other examples of the association of the representation of 
the seasons with mythological episodes of the Loves of Zeus, among which the 
mosaic uncovered in Italica stands out by its good preservation and number of 
scenes (CMRE II: nº1, 25-26), as well as two mosaic pavements depicting the 
Rape of Europa, located respectively in Fernán Núñez (CMRE III: nº32, 50-54 
and pl. 39A; Blázquez et al. 1986: 109 fig. 15; Wattel-de Croizant 1986: 180-183 
fig. 2; Abad 1990b: 16-17; Wattel-de Croizant 1995: 151-153 pl. XVII) and in 
Écija itself, in Calle Espíritu Santo - Barrera de Oñate (CMRE XIV: nº21, 59-62; 
García-Dils 2015: 350-360).

2. The Rape of Europa
In the central frame of the mosaic, measuring (2.64) m (N-S) by 1.48-1.50 m 
(W-E),14 there are two scenes in an open field (Fig. 9). In the first, we recognise 
one of the Loves of Zeus for which there is greatest artistic and literary evidence, 
the Rape of Europa (Fig. 3-5),15 represented at the moment when Europa is sitting 
on the bull. The princess appears completely naked, wearing only a necklace and 
bracelets, and a headdress over her hair,16 which is tied back at the nape of her 
neck. The figure’s position conveys movement and dynamism, an impression 

13 Vid. on 11 October at Kalendarium Amiternum (CIL IX 4192), feast of the Meditrinalia or of the new 
wine (Varro l.l. 6.16), and another festival of wine associated with Jupiter, Vinalia priora (Ov. fast. 
4.898; Plin.nat. 18.287).

14 Before its partial destruction, the panel would have 2,77 m (N-S).
15 Hom.Il. 14.321-322; Hes.theog. 357 and fragm. 52; Hdt. 1.2, 4.45; Mosch. 2.1-152; Ov.met. 2.836-

875; Ov.fast. 5.603-620, Ov.her. 4.55, Ov.ars.am. 1.23, 6.103-107; Hor.c. 3.27; Nonn.Dion. 1.46 ss.; 
Pincelli 1960: passim. An overview of the presence of this myth in Mosaic art, in Wattel-de Croizant 
1995, including the study of 44 pavements. See also López Monteagudo - San Nicolás 1995: passim.

16 Perhaps it is a small Phrygian cap, very schematically depicted.

Figure 9
Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus. Central frame. 
Photography by Sergio García-Dils.



210    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

emphasised by the cloak, which she has previously placed on the animal’s back 
and on which she is mounted. The cloak falls over her left thigh, while with her 
right hand she gracefully raises it above her head, using her left hand to grasp 
one of the horns of the animal. The bull is depicted docile and calm, motionless, 
barely raising his right leg. Opposite him are Europa’s three companions (Figs. 
3-7, 3-8, 3-9), also shown naked, wearing necklaces and bracelets, while their 
cloaks are gathered around their thighs. The first of the women (Fig. 3-7) holds 
in her right hand a rope tied to the animal’s horns, presenting him with a handful 
of grass to eat. Hermes flies above the scene (Fig. 3-10). His representation 
follows the iconographic canons of the Roman type, characterised as a young 
man dressed only in a chlamys, wearing sandals with wings at the ankles, and 
a petasos, also winged, and holding the caduceus in his right hand (Fig. 10).17  
The presence below the figures of a basket in a field of flowers, on which the 
bull schematically casts his shadow, and the presence in the background of a 
building, indicate that the scene is still taking place on the ground.

The whole of the representation, taking place in a relaxed atmosphere, makes 
it clear that we are dealing with the initial moments of the myth. Zeus has seen 
Europa while she was with her companions on the seashore. To achieve his 
purpose, the god asks Hermes to prepare the meeting and subsequent abduction. 
Hermes is to drive the King’s herd of oxen from the high meadows to the nearby 
beach, where Zeus knew that Europa and other maidens of Tyre were going to 
be out walking. In the scene narrated by Ovid (Ov.met. 2.836-846), Jupiter tells 
Mercury of his secret love for the princess, asking for his help as a confidant and 
an accomplice. His presence in the iconography of Europa is not common, and 
this case is a unicum in Hispania. We may recall certain Greek vases in which 
he appears as part of the scene of the rape and, for example, a hydria from the 
4th century BC that shows Hermes guiding the procession on the sea crossing 
(Robertson 1988: nº58, vol. 1, 80, vol. 2, 37; Wattel-de Croizant 1995: 32 fig. 
10). Europa is wary of the bull, but still approaches him, garlanding his horns 
and climbing on his back. Nor is there any surprise or agitation in the attitude 
of her companions, for Jupiter has not yet made his true intentions known. This 

17 Without any justification, the character that appears in (Fig. 6-9) has been interpreted in Vargas et 
al. 2021: 218 as Io, with whom Hermes would be associated (Fig. 6-10). The absolutely marginal 
and secondary position that the female character occupies in the scene as a whole, compared to the 
adjoining characters, Europa (Fig. 6-5) and Danae (Fig. 6-11), who appear in a relevant and central 
position in their respective representations, leads us to reject this unfounded identification.

Figure 10
Hermes. Photography by Sergio García-Dils.



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tranquillity is reflected in Ovid (Ov.met. 2.857-861) and Nonnus of Panopolis 
(Nonn.Dion. 1.52-53).

As for the landscape and the elements surrounding the scene, the setting 
is in keeping with the “flowery meadow” referred to in the poem Europa by 
the Sicilian writer Moschos.18 The depiction of grass and flowers testifies to 
the artist’s interest in setting the scene by means of a very simple decorative 
device that is technically easy to execute, but certainly effective in achieving 
the desired effect of contextualising the scene in a rural setting, but without 
including trees, bushes, rocks, water or other elements of nature so common in 
these open spaces (Durán 2011: passim). The flower basket that appears between 
the bull and Europa’s companions may be interpreted as the one mentioned in 
the same text (Mosch. 2.44-45), that is the golden basket that the princess carried 
to gather flowers from the meadow and was decorated precisely with a scene of 
the metamorphosis of Io into a calf.

A striking detail is the presence, in the background of the scene, of an architectural 
image, probably representing the gate of a city, plausibly identified as Tyre 
where Europa was princess. However, there is no evidence of the seashore, as is 
normally the case in mosaics depicting scenes that take place by the sea. It cannot 
logically be postulated that this may be a doorway of colonia Augusta Firma, 
since this type of architectural motifs usually respond to generic, stereotyped and 
conventional formulae, as is common in the High Imperial period in relation to 
the urban world,19 of which several architectural representations are documented, 
perhaps villas or buildings whose characteristics allude to the cities in which 
these myths took place, and in African mosaics of later date with images of the 
rural environment (Dunbabin 1978: 50-59, 119-129 pls. 12 nº23, 16 nº34-35, 18 
nº40, 43 nº109, 44-45 nº111-113, 50 nº126-127). In any case, representations of 
cities in mosaics in Hispania are rare. We can only mention the so-called mosaic 
“de las Murallas” found in Pamplona, which shows a representation of a wall of 
large blocks with battlements and several towers and a gate (CMRE VII: nº34, 
54-55 pl. 33), and an example from Martos (Jaén) (CMRE III: nº42, 62 pl. 51), 
another one from Mérida (CMRE I: nº63, 51, Fig. 4, Pl. 93), two found in Murcia 
area (CMRE IV: nº53, 61 fig. 20; nº84, 77-78 pl. 36), one from Rielves (Toledo) 
(CMRE V: 72 fig. 40) and one from El Reguer (Lérida) (CMRE VIII: nº21, 21-
23 pl. 9). All these display arcades and porticoes, with some added buildings, 
rather than depictions of walls and gates as can be seen in our pavement and 
in another from Ilici, with a crenellated wall and towers, but with a Hellenistic 
character and technique and a late Republican chronology (Ramos 1975: 73 fig. 2).

The representation of the shadows, both in this scene and in others that will 
be pointed out in due course, demonstrates the intention of the creator of the 
mosaic to place the figures in relation to the background, thus increasing the 
realistic qualities of the scene and avoiding the effect of floating due to the lack 
of spatial references in the minimalistic setting. The use of shadows under the 
figures brings to mind some examples of mosaic pavements, particularly from 
the African sphere, such as those of Tipaza, El Djem, Carthago, Sousse or 
Utica (Dunbabin 1978: pls. III.7, VI.12, XI.22, XIII.26, XXVII.69, XXXII.83, 

18 “λειμῶνας ἐς ἀνθεμόεντας”, Mosch. 2.63. Cf. Ov. met. 2.841, “montano gramine”.
19 These iconographic schemes are ultimately derived from the pictorial models of the Hellenistic world, 

which were projected into the Roman period and reached the Middle Ages. On the depiction of cities 
by the sea in mosaics, see Neira 1997: passim, as well as López Monteagudo 1994: passim, with 
attention to the idealised aspect of the images of cities close to the sea shores in the mosaics of 
North Africa. As for the evocation of cities in the Late Antique period in the East, particularly in the 
Jordanian area, vid. López Monteagudo 1993: passim.



212    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

39.100), and especially the famous examples from Smirat, dated to the second 
quarter of the 3rd century AD, showing the munus paid for by Magerius, with 
a profuse use of this artistic resource (Beschaouch 1966: 134-157; Dunbabin 
1978: 67-69 pl. XXII.53; Beschaouch 1987: passim; Blanchard-Lemée et al. 
1995: 209-216). We may also mention the mosaic of the bear hunt from the 
area around Baiae, dated to the 4th century, now in the J. Paul Getty Museum 
(Belis 2016: nº2, 10-14), or the scenes with felines depicted in Ostia, in the 
Horrea Epagathiana et Epaphroditiana (Becatti 1961: Tav. XCI-XCII). In the 
mosaics of Baetica, this resource can be seen in some of the floors of Italica, as 
in some frames of the Bacchic mosaic of the building of Neptune (CMRE XIII: 
nº12, 33-35 pl. V-VI) and others in the mosaic of Bacchus and Ariadne in the 
House of the Planetarium (CMRE XIII: nº63, 67-68 pl. XXI fig. 131). As may be 
expected due to their more than probable provenance from the same workshop, 
in Astigi we also find evidence of this way to represent the shadow of some 
of the figures of the mosaic of the Triumph of Bacchus in Plaza de Santiago, 
such as Leda, Castor and Orpheus (Fig. 4) (CMRE XIV: nº8, 45-50; Fernández 
Gómez 1997; García-Dils 2015: 295-296. Some other pavements, such as the 
Tigerreiter of the splendid domus of Calle Espíritu Santo - Barrera de Oñate 
(Vid. infra. CMRE XIV: nº23, 62-65; García-Dils 2015: 350-360), also reflect 
the use of this formula. Its function seems to be the same as that attributed by O. 
Wattel-de Croizant to this device in the Fernán Núñez mosaic, so close to that 
of Écija in so many ways: “les ombres se profilent sous les sabots du taureau, 
ou les pieds de chacun des personnages qui l’encadrent, pour les rendre plus 
stables et amorcer une légère perspective” (Wattel-de Croizant 1986: 181; 
Wattel-de Croizant 1995: 152). The scholar adds that this procedure is common 
in the Severan period, although it can be found in African mosaics in the time 
of Constantine.

In Écija, there are two other pavements that depict the Rape of Europa, located 
in two houses excavated respectively in Calle Espíritu Santo (Fig. 11) (CMRE 
XIV: nº21, 59-62; García-Dils 2015: 350-360) and in Calle San Juan Bosco nº 
8-10 (Fig. 12) (CMRE XIV: nº65, 110-113; García-Dils 2015: 303-30). Both 
illustrate the third phase of the rape, the most common scene, showing the 
abducted princess on the back of the bull, running on the surface of the waters 
towards Crete. Among the parallels from Italica, the mosaic displayed in the 
Archaeological Museum of Seville reproduces the same episode (CMRE XIII: 
nº78, 81-83 pl. XXVII fig. 164), with a very similar composition, while the 

Figure 11
Mosaic of the Rape of Europa from Calle 
Espíritu Santo. Photography by Esther 
Núñez.



The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ...  / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ...   213

one in the house of the Countess of Lebrija shows the events leading up to the 
abduction (CMRE II: nº1, 25-26 pl. 1, 3b; Blázquez et al. 1986: 110 fig. 16; 
Wattel-de Croizant 1974: 285 ss., pl. 1-2 d; Wattel-de Croizant 1986: 175-180 
fig. 1; Wattel de Croizant 1995: 145-149 pl. XVIa). The image depicted on the 
mosaic from Mérida corresponds to the beginning of the escape by sea, with the 
coast still visible in the background, suggested by a flowery strip of land (CMRE 
I: nº4, 28 pl. 5; Blázquez et al. 1986: 109; Wattel-de Croizant 1986: 183-185; 
Wattel-de Croizant 1995: 149-151 pl. XVIb). The scene depicted in the Fernán 
Núñez mosaic, on display in the National Archaeological Museum in Madrid, is 
situated at the precise moment of the abduction, with Eros guiding the fugitive 
couple under the surprised gaze of the Sidonian maidens (CMRE III: nº32, 50-54 
pl. 39c; Blázquez et al. 1986: 109 fig. 15; Wattel-de Croizant 1986: 180-183 fig. 
2; Wattel-de Croizant 1995: 151-153 pl. XVII.).

Among the known iconographic parallels, mention should also be made of the 
Pompeian fresco of the House of Jason or of Fatal Love, preserved in the Museo 
Archeologico Nazionale in Naples (Fig. 13) (Casa IX, 5, 18. Zevi 1964; PPM 9, 
670-719; Wattel-de Croizant 1995: 57-60 pl. IIa). It has notable similarities with 
the mosaic from Écija as a representation of the initial phase of the myth taking 
place in a peaceful atmosphere, with Europa just mounted on the bull, side-
seated on her cloak, holding on with her left hand and with her right hand raising 
the cloth over her head, while the animal is attended to by her three companions.

As an alternative interpretation of the character of the third maiden (Fig. 3-9), 
it has been proposed that she is in fact Io, indicating that the losses suffered by 
the mosaic do not allow us to glimpse in detail whether she was depicted with 
small horns on her forehead (Vargas et al. 2021: 218). In this line, the daughter 
of Inachus would be associated with Hermes (Fig. 3-10) as a liberator who runs 
to meet her. It should be noted in this respect that the maiden’s forehead has 
been preserved in its entirety, and it can be affirmed with certainty that there is 
no attribute on her head that would allow us to identify her with Io. On the other 
hand, the maiden is perfectly integrated into Europa’s cortege, and is clearly 
depicted on a secondary plane and exactly at the same scale as the other two 

Figure 12
Mosaic of the Rape of Europa and Ganymede 
from Calle San Juan Bosco nº 8-10. 
Photography by Sergio García-Dils.

Figure 13
Fresco of the Rape of Europa from the House 
of Jason. Photography by Sergio García-Dils.



214    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

women; she has been depicted on a different level due to lack of space on the 
right of the panel and to give depth to the scene. Moreover, as we shall see below, 
the presence of Mercury should not be surprising, as it is perfectly justified by 
his appearance in the narratives of this episode of the Europa myth, without 
having to recur to plot devices to propose the narration of any additional myth. 
As William of Ockham rightly pointed out in his famous passage, ‘pluralitas 
non est ponenda sine necessitate’.

3. Danae and Zeus
To the left of the previous image, there is a scene from the myth of Danae (Figs. 
3-11 and 14). The main character, with a long shock hair, is depicted with her 
back turned, her arms outstretched, her hands open and her gaze raised to receive 
the rain. Her cloak is knotted around her neck, revealing her back and buttocks. 
Her shadow is cast on the ground in the form of a small dark semi-oval figure, 
alongside sparse vegetation in the form of flowers or schematic grasses. While 
the norm in ancient iconography is to show Danae secluded inside her dungeon, 
seated, reclining or lying on a kliné, in this mosaic she appears standing in an 
open field, preparing to receive Zeus. The god (Fig. 3-12) is depicted in the 
form of a cloud, reclining on his left elbow (Maffre 1986: nº20 –with doubts–, 
22 and 23a, vol. 1, 329). He holds an eros (Fig. 3-13), a symbol of Zeus’ love 
for the Argive princess.20 Unlike other depictions of Eros in this myth in Roman 
times, the small figure does not appear to be pouring rain from a vessel. Rather, 
the rain, represented with tesserae in the form of small drops, falls directly from 
the cloud in which Zeus is lodged. Above Danae’s head and next to the winged 
infant, there are elements of an architectural scenery, an urban gate flanked by 
two towers and two lateral sections of the wall, with the presence of a further 
tower and the hint of a fourth.

The myth of Danae (Escher 1904: 2084-2086; Cressedi 1960: 1-2; Maffre 1986: 
vol. 1, passim) is part of the broader myth of Theseus, in particular the initial 
part, which is known in its most developed form from the passages of Pherecydes 
and Apollodorus concerning the birth of the hero (Pherec. ap. FGrH 3 F 10-12; 
Apollod. 2 [26] 2 and 2 [34-48] 4, 1-4), as well as from other sources21. The only 
daughter of Acrisius, King of Argos, and Eurydice, Danae was imprisoned with 
her wet nurse in an underground chamber protected by bronze gates because an 
oracle at Delphi had revealed that Acrisius would be killed by his daughter’s son. 
Seduced by the girl’s beauty, Zeus, through an opening in the roof, descended 
upon her womb in the form of a shower of gold to impregnate her and give birth 
to Perseus.
According to a certain tradition, taken up by Horace and Ovid, rather than in an 
underground building with a bronze chamber, Danae was kept away in a tower. 
One may wonder whether the architectural elements of our mosaic may be an 
allusion to this variant of the myth, particularly the door flanked by strong towers 
closely associated in the composition with the figures of Zeus and Danae. In the 
classical sources, Horace (Hor.carm. 3.16.1) noted the tower of bronze, doors 
of oak, and the strict guard of watchdogs that protected Danae from nocturnal 
lovers; Ovid asked who Danae could have known if she were always to remain 
in her tower until she grew old (Ov.ars am. 3.415-416). In other passages of the 
Amores, Ovid stated that had Danae not been kept in a tower, Jupiter would not 

20 Maffre 1986: nº5, 7, 9a, 14, 16, 28, 35, vol. 1, 327-330, with Eros flying over or next to the figure of 
Danae.

21 Soph.ant. 944-950; Pind.p. 12.17; Isoc.or. 10.59; Men.sam. 766-769; Ov.met. 4.610-611, 698, 11.117; 
Nonn.Dion. 7.120, 8.290, 302, 25.113-114; Anth.Pal. 5.64; Paus. 2.23.7, 10.5.11.

Figure 14
Danae and Zeus. Photography by Sergio 
García-Dils.



The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ...  / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ...   215

have made her a mother (Ov.am. 2.19.27), and that the gates were of bronze 
and the tower of iron (Ov.am. 3.8.32). It is possible, in our opinion, that this 
literary image may have been in the mind of the creator of the mosaic when 
this scene was composed, containing a detail of the cultured and refined poetry 
practised by the Roman elites and in keeping with the aristocratic and luxurious 
characteristics of the domus in which this floor was located.

The passage of Danae’s myth concerning the golden rain was commonly 
depicted during the Greco-Roman period, not only in mural paintings, but also 
gems, reliefs, luxury pottery and mosaic pavements (Maffre 1986: nº18-22, vol. 
1, 329; López Monteagudo 1998: 441-446). In the Iberian Peninsula, prior to the 
appearance of the mosaic analysed here, the initial episode of the myth of the 
conception of Perseus had only been documented in one of the medallions of 
the mosaic aforementioned from Italica, moved to the house of the Countess of 
Lebrija, which also includes different pictures of the mythical cycle of the Loves 
of Zeus (CMRE II: nº1, 25-26 pl. 7a; Maffre 1986: nº22, vol. 1, 329). In this case, 
Danae appears seated, in the style of the most ancient Greek representations, as 
opposed to the fashion of presenting her standing, as in the mosaic from Astigi. 
However, a common aspect between the two mosaics is the representation of 
Zeus on a cloud, leaving only his head and the upper part of his naked torso in 
view. The mosaic from the House of the Horses at Carthago, dated circa 300 
AD, also shows the bust of Zeus on a cloud pouring rain (Salomonson 1965: 
67 and 120, nº48 fig. 52 pl. XLVIII.3; Maffre 1986: nº20, vol. 1, 329; López 
Monteagudo 1998: 442-443). On this occasion, Danae is also standing and 
partially nude, as in Écija, although the quality of the latter representation is far 
superior.

Regarding the image of Zeus, it has been alternatively proposed that he is 
represented here as a figure reclining next to a rock or fountain from which water 
flows, ‘with the typical iconography of the river-gods’, accompanied by eros 
turning this water into the shower of gold (Vargas et al. 2021: 217-218). It should 
be noted that there is nothing here that reminds of this type of iconography, 
except for the vague hint that the figure is reclining. Only the torso, left arm, and 
head of the divinity are depicted, surrounded by the same dark cloak that covers 
the god’s head. On the right, the image we find is perfectly compatible with the 
schematic representation of a cloud, so it is not reasonable to see here a fountain 
or a rock that is flying in the sky, and much less that water flows from here, since 
the raindrops come directly from the image of Zeus himself.

4. Leda and the Swan
The moment of Leda’s union with Zeus, transformed into a swan, is represented 
here in a square measuring 91.0 cm (N-S) by 71.0 cm (W-E). The second episode 
of this myth, the hierogamy, is the most frequently represented scene of this 
story in the Roman mosaics and other types of plastic figurations (San Nicolás 
1999: passim; San Nicolás 2005: passim; San Nicolás 2011: 328-333). As is 
common, Leda (Fig. 3-14) is depicted standing, half-naked, with her cloak open 
and falling over her left shoulder and under her buttocks, rolled up over her left 
arm. In this case, she extends her right arm over the swan (Fig. 3-15), which she 
grasps firmly by the neck and pulls towards her, while the bird seeks Leda’s lips 
with its beak, clinging to her hip with its left leg (Fig. 15). The play of colours of 
the tessellae gives volume to the depiction of the female figure. This is a scene 
of great dynamism, emphasised by the movement of Leda’s cloak, the shadows 
cast on the ground and, above all, by the swan’s outstretched wings, which flutter 
in the air, covering a large part of the frame. The swan is oversized, practically 



216    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

the same size as Leda, which allows for the identification of the motif of the 
giant swan, along the lines of what Balil pointed out about this scene in certain 
parallel representations (Balil 1989: 119-124). Indeed, this would have been 
the only operative formula by which to place the two protagonists at the same 
height. This is also evidenced by the using of the swan in flight and at a much 
larger size than natural, rather than on the ground and at it’s true scale. In this 
way, the formal aspect of the superiority of the divinity, its strength and power, 
which will ultimately achieve its purpose, is well illustrated.
This representation of the myth at the precise moment when Leda is taken by 
the bird is rare from an iconographic perspective and is only documented in two 
other Roman mosaics. The first of these parallels is located in colonia Augusta 
Firma itself, in the aforementioned mosaic from Plaza de Santiago, with which it 
shares numerous formal characteristics, not only in the composition of the scene, 
but also in details such as the shape of the shadow cast on the ground or Leda’s 
slightly raised left heel (Figs. 4 and 16) (CMRE XIV: nº8, 45-50; Fernández 

Figure 15
Leda and the swan. Photography by Sergio 
García-Dils.

Figure 16
Leda and the swan in the mosaic of the 
Triumph of Bacchus from Plaza de Santiago 
nº1. Photography by Sergio García-Dils.



The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ...  / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ...   217

Gómez 1997: passim; García-Dils 2015: 295-296). In this case, she grasps the 
swan’s neck with her left hand. As has already been noted (San Nicolás 2005: 
passim; San Nicolás 2011: 329; Lancha 2011: passim), what is striking about 
the representation in these two cases, is the depiction of Leda standing with her 
back turned in the moment of union with the swan of a size equivalent to that 
of the queen. With the appearance of the new mosaic from Astigi, the figure 
of Plaza de Santiago ceases to be a unicum in the iconography of the Iberian 
Peninsula. The second example that can be mentioned is found in the mosaic of 
the cubiculum AN of the so-called House of the Coiedii of Suasa, dated to the 
beginning of the 3rd century, here with Leda on the right-hand side of the scene 
(Dall’Aglio - De Maria 1994-1995: 144-149 fig. 22; San Nicolás 1999: 369 fig. 
18; San Nicolás 2005: 987 fig. 6). A third parallel may be added for the depiction 
of Leda standing with her back turned, in this case separated from the swan, 
either immediately before or after their union, as in the Cypriot example from 
Palaepaphos (Kouklia), dated to the end of the 2nd or the beginning of the 3rd 
century (Michaelides 1987: nº20 pl. IX; Saliou 1990: 370 figs. 1-2).

As mentioned above, the hierogamy between Leda and the swan is widely 
documented in Greco-Roman visual arts, both in the sculpture and mosaics, thus 
demonstrating the popularity of this theme (Kahil et al. 1992: vol. 1, 231-246). 
On the other hand, in Hispanic mosaics, the representation of this mythological 
scene of the union between the queen and the swan is unusual, since, apart 
from the two mosaics from Astigi, its use has only been documented on three 
other occasions. Thus, we have the cases from Quintanilla de la Cueza, with a 
chronology in the 4th century (Blázquez et al. 1986: 108-109 fig. 13; Balil 1989: 
119-124; San Nicolás 2005: 975 fig. 2), from Complutum (Alcalá de Henares), 
from the late 4th or early 5th century, including an inscription identifying the 
scene (HEp 1, 463; Fernández-Galiano 1984: 203-213 fig. 13-14 pl. CIX-CXII; 
Blázquez et al. 1986: 108-109 fig. 14; Gómez 1997: 106-107 M2; San Nicolás 
2005: 975 fig. 1; San Nicolás 2011: 341 fig. 10), and, finally, from Italica, in 
the collection of the Countess of Lebrija and dated to the second half of the 2nd 
century (CMRE II: nº1, 25-26 pl. 1 and 2a; Blázquez et al. 1986: 109-110 fig. 16; 
San Nicolás 2005: 976 fig. 3).

In the narratives of mythography,22 Leda appears as the daughter of Testius, 
King of Aetolia, and of Eurythemis, sister of Hypermnestra and Althaea. She 
is presented as the wife to the Spartan monarch Tyndareus and mother of 
Timandra, Clytemnestra, Phoebe, Helen and the Dioscuri. Her extreme beauty 
attracted not only the exiled Spartan but also the King of Olympus, who came 
in the form of a swan on the very night of her betrothal beneath the peaks of 
the Taygetus, so that her children, the Dioscuri or Castor and Polideuces, are 
at the same time children of Zeus and Tyndareus. It is no coincidence that one 
of the neighbouring frames in our mosaic shows the figure of one of them, in a 
noteworthy narrative association.

5. One of the Dioscuri and a Horse
In a square located to the north-west of the previous frame, measuring 79.5 
cm (W-E) by 64.0 cm (N-S), we find one of the Dioscuri (Fig. 3-16), depicted 
frontally, naked, covered only with the chlamys on his back and over his left 
shoulder and arm, and wearing the pileus over a shock of abundant hair. He 

22 Hom.Il. 3.426; Hom.Od. 11.298 ss.; Hom.Od. 4.184; Hes.fr. 23 A8; Him. Hom. 17.1-5, 23.2; Apoll.
Rhod. Arg. 1.146; Eur.Hel. 16-22, Eur.Iph.A. 49-51, 794-800; Eur.Or. 1385-1387; Eurip.Mel. 17, 214, 
257, 1149; Verg.Aen. 8.130; Hor.sat. 2.1.26; A.P. 147; Strab. 10.4.61; Paus. 3.1.4, 13.8, 16.1, 21.2; 
Apollod. 1.7.10, 3.10.5; Anth.Pal. 5.36; 5.307.



218    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

holds the spear in his left hand, in an attitude of sovereignty, while with his right 
hand he grasps the reins of the horse (Fig. 3-17) at his side (Fig. 17). The animal 
is depicted from the side, facing towards the right, with its right leg raised, in 
movement. In both cases, the use of tessellae of different tones adds volume 
and movement to the figures. In the frame (Fig. 3-18), which is completely lost 
except for its south-west corner, measuring (17.0) cm (W-E) by (12.0) cm (N-
S), the second brother, Pollux, may have been represented. If so, the images of 
the twin Dioscuri would have very effectively completed the symmetry of the 
composition surrounding the Rape of Europa formed by the seasons of the year 
(Figs. 3-1, 3-2, 3-3, 3-4). 

This is a frequent iconographic type, for which there are numerous parallels, 
both in statuary and in pictorial and numismatic representations, although not in 
mosaics (Hermary 1986: vol. 1, passim; Gury 1986: vol. 1, passim). Very few 
floors, located in Nea Paphos (House of Dionysus) (Daszewski - Michaelides 
1988a: 27 figs. 13 and 14; Daszewski - Michaelides 1988b: 22 fig. 7) and 
Carthago (House of the Horses) (Salomonson 1965: 125, n°60 fig. 64 pl. 51,1; 
Gury 1986: nº22, vol. 1, 614 and vol. 2, 490) show the figure of the Dioscuri 
accompanied by their horses (San Nicolás 1999: 372-374). As far as Hispania 
is concerned, we can only mention the pavement from the House of the Mosaic 
of the Birth of Venus in Italica, dated to the middle of the 3rd century AD, in 
which the figures of both brothers are represented by their zodiac counterparts, 
the Gemini (CMRE XIII: nº72, 74-76; Lancha 2011: passim).

At any rate, the presence of one of the Dioscuri next to Leda is a peculiarity for 
which we have only one parallel, again located in Écija itself, in the mosaic from 
Plaza de Santiago, hitherto considered a hapax (Figs. 4, 18). In this case, the star is 
depicted above his head, one of his attributes as a celestial and astral divinity, while 
the horse is behind the figure, forcing the composition into the octagonal shape 
of the composition (CMRE XIV: nº8, 45-50; Fernández Gómez 1997: passim; 
García-Dils 2015: 295-296). The evident formal resemblance between this image 
and the mosaic from Plaza de Armas, especially the horse, once again reinforces 
the suggestion that both pavements may be the work of the same workshop.

Figure 17
Dioscuros and a horse. Photography by 
Sergio García-Dils.



The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ...  / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ...   219

The Dioscuri, Lacinian heroes with a complex mythological personality (Bethe 
1905: passim; Bianco 1960: passim; Hermary 1986: passim; Gury 1986: passim), 
are generically and etymologically considered as sons of Jupiter, although only 
Pollux is, hence his immortality compared to that of his sibling. Greek tradition 
and epic poetry have marked their personalities, Pollux as a pugilist and Castor 
as a horse tamer23, both at once mortal and immortal (Lykophr. 565; Eur.Hel. 
138; Verg.Aen. 6.121). The written sources present them above all as knightly or 
warrior gods, and in this guise, they intervened in support of Rome as early as 
the beginning of the 5th century BC in the famous Battle of Lake Regillus. They 
are generally depicted on horseback, or on foot beside a horse or guiding one 
by the bridle, as in the present case, in which the figure, probably Castor, bears 
the characteristic attributes with which the Dioscuri are distinguished in literary 
tradition and classical art: pileus or conical Lacedaemonian bonnet (Paus. 3.4.5; 
3.24.5; 4.27.2; Catull. 37.2; Thuk. 4.34), purple chlamys on the arm (Paus. 
4.27.2, Just.Epit. 20.3; Dion. Hal.ant. 6.13.1-4), spear or javelin (Paus. 4.27.2; 
Stat. 5.439; Lucian.dial. deor. 26). In Rome, they are preferably designated as 
Castores, indicating the pre-eminence of Castor, the athletic and warrior knight 
over his brother, who remains in the shadows, at least in the Republican period. 
Their symbolic and emblematic value is evident in the iconography of the 
Imperial period, which effectively reflects their multi-functionality as knights, 
protectors of navigation or symbols of an astral nature. The representation of 
one of the Castores standing and leading a horse by the bridle has numerous 
examples in the art of the Imperial era (Gury 1986: nº59-73 vol. 1 617-618; 
vol. 2 495). Unfortunately, the almost complete loss of the scene in the inset 
(Fig. 3-18) makes it impossible to confirm the possibility that the second of the 
brothers was also depicted –and under what specific formal expression–, as may 
be suggested to support the symmetry in the composition and to represent the 
two brothers as an iconographic expression in the Imperial period of cosmic and 
social harmony. Here again, the parallel with the scene in the mosaic of Plaza 
de Santiago is of no help, as it has not been possible to recover the part of the 
mosaic where Pollux and his horse would presumably have been located.

23 Hom.Il. 3.237; Hom.Od. 11.300; Hymn.h. 33.; Apoll.Rhod. 1.146; Theokr. 22.2.34; Ov.met. 8.301; 
Ov.fast. 5.700; Hor.sat. 2.1.267; Hor.c. 1.3.2, 1.12.25-27; Paus. 3.26.3, 4.16.5, 4.27.1-6.

Figure 18
Dioscuros and a horse in the mosaic of the 
Triumph of Bacchus from Plaza de Santiago 
nº1. Photography by Sergio García-Dils.



220    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

Regarding the iconography of the Dioscuros, we find the closest parallel of these 
two Astigitan figures in a wall painting located behind the main entrance door 
of the Casa dei Dioscuri in Pompeii (VI.9.6), now in the Museo archeologico 
nazionale di Napoli (inv. no. 9455).

6. Antiope and Zeus
Here we find a representation of the myth of Zeus and Antiope, in a frame 
measuring 93.0 cm (N-S) by 71.0 cm (W-E), showing the god, metamorphosed 
into a satyr, pouncing on the squatting young woman (Fig. 19). Antiope appears 
naked (Fig. 3-19), almost completely stripped of a bluish stola that barely covers 
her legs, turning backwards in surprise. Formally, the rich colours of the female 
figure’s cloak stand out, in glazed tesserae in red, orange, blue and green, as well 
as the nuances in the flesh tones, contrasting with the darker skin of the satyr. 
The pictorial effect of the shadow cast on the ground is also striking, adding 
perspective to the composition.

For his part, the satyr (Fig. 3-20) is depicted with tousled hair24 and naked, 
covered only with the skin of a feline draped over his shoulders, in the manner 
of a chlamys, blowing in the wind and contributing to the dynamic impression of 
the scene. He is not holding the characteristic pedum. He ithyphallically assaults 
Antiope, whom he grabs by the waist from behind in an aggressive attitude that 
suggests attack rather than courtship. The scene is framed by a schematically 
drawn tree on the left and a column on a plinth on the right.

As in the parallel from Italica mentioned below, the scene can be identified as 
the moment in which Zeus catches Antiope, after chasing her, and tries to strip 
her of her dress, while her attitude and face show the surprise and fear that 
overwhelm her. It thus corresponds to the first moment in the phase of Zeus’s 
seduction that can be seen in the iconography of the myth, that of assault and 
rejection in the first encounter between the two characters. This image belongs 
to the iconography so often represented in different contexts and characters in 

24 More unlikely, it could be a plant wreath, like the ones on the mosaics in Malaga and Zeugma cited 
infra.

Figure 19
Antiope and Zeus. Photography by Sergio 
García-Dils.



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the Hellenistic and Roman aesthetic universe, of the “nymph surprised” by the 
satyr in the context of amorous seduction (San Nicolás 2010: 498-502).

This is a myth that is not well represented in the mosaic theme of the Loves 
of Zeus (López Monteagudo 2003: passim; Durán 2008: passim; Rodríguez 
Oliva 2009: 187-196; San Nicolás 2010: passim). In Baetica, there is a close 
iconographic parallel, of this myth and of this specific scene, in the mosaic of 
the Loves of Zeus from the house of the Countess of Lebrija, originally from 
Italica, dated to second half of the 2nd century (CMRE II: nº1, 25-26 pl. 1, 4b; 
Durán 2008: 1313 and 1315). In this representation, the satyr, crowned with 
vine leaves and carrying a pedum, also pounces on a fleeing Antiope, depicted 
squatting or kneeling, from whom he tries to tear off the stola. The representation 
in the mosaic of the uilla of Torre de Benagalbón (Malaga), from the 3rd century 
(Mañas - Vargas 2007: passim; Rodríguez Oliva 2009: passim), on the other 
hand, suggests the courtship of the characters in an atmosphere of persuasion 
and acceptance of the love game.

Among the extra-Hispanic iconographic parallels of this mythological episode, 
with a similar representation in terms of the fear and rejection displayed by 
Antiope, is the scene of the so-called Mosaic of Ganymede, which decorated the 
triclinium of the domus of Sollertius de Thysdrus, in El Djem (Tunisia), preserved 
in the Bardo Museum and dated to the early 3rd century (Rodríguez Oliva 2009: 
192 pl. VIII; San Nicolás 2010: 500 fig. 4). In this case, the resemblance of the 
tree to the left of the figures in the two scenes is noteworthy. Also noteworthy 
in this line are two mosaics, one from Timgad, located in the Philadelphi baths, 
dated to the beginning of the 3rd century (Germain-Warot 1969: 77-79 nº96 pl. 
XXXIII; San Nicolás 2010: 501 fig. 5), and the other from the Turkish city of 
Antakya (Antioch), in the House of the Psyche’s boat and dating from the 6th 
century (Palagia 1986: nº22, vol. 1, 346; vol. 2, 257; San Nicolás 2010: 501 
fig. 6). However, in these two cases, Antiope -carrier of a tympanum in both 
cases–, is more receptive, in some way prefiguring the scene of acceptance of the 
courtship game in the following episode of the story.

The myth of Antiope was dramatised by Euripides in his lost Antiope and 
described by Hyginius (Hyg.fab. 7-8), as well as in several references by 
various authors (Hom.Od. 9.260; Apollod. 3.5.5, 3.41-44, 3.111; schol. Apoll.
Rhod. 4.1090; Paus. 1.38.9, 2.9.17.4 ss., 10.36.10; Ov.met. 6.110-111; Nonn.
Dion. 16.240, 31.218, 33.301). Antiope was the daughter of the king of Thebes, 
Nicteo, and Polyxus, although other versions present her as the daughter of 
the river-god Asopos (Paus. 2.6.2). Blinded by her extraordinary beauty, Zeus, 
metamorphosed into a satyr, seduced her, and from this union the twins Zetho 
and Amphion were born (Hom.Od. 11.260-265; Paus. 1.38.9). Considering 
himself dishonoured by his daughter, Nicteo took his own life after entrusting 
the capture and corresponding punishment of Antiope to his brother Lico, 
who took his place on the throne. In fulfilment of his vow, Lycus and his wife 
Dirce imprisoned Antiope in Thebes and forced her to abandon her twins in the 
forest, where they are raised by shepherds while their mother was subjected to 
inhumane treatment during the years in which they grow up. Dirce’s ruthless 
and cruel behaviour, jealous of her beauty, is finally avenged by her children 
after Antiope escapes and takes refuge with them on Mount Cithaeron. Dirce’s 
punishment by being tied to a bull until she is torn to death is a well-documented 
iconographic motif in the visual arts.

We have included the later development of the myth because of its relevance in 
the classical imaginary, and the presence in many representations throughout 



222    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

the Empire of the Punishment of Dirce, although the number of examples that 
illustrate the moment of the courtship is significantly smaller. In fact, Écija itself 
has a Punishment of Dirce, dated to the middle of the 2nd century, among its 
extensive repertoire of mosaics (CMRE IV: nº10, 25-30, Láms. 7-9; Blázquez 
et al. 1986: 119 fig. 31; CMRE XIV: nº1, 35-37 figs. 1-2; García-Dils 2015: 
287). Likewise, the fact that the god Bacchus plays a fundamental role in the 
outcome of the tragedy does not seem to be a trivial fact. It may be suggested 
that, given the special inclination and sensitivity that the colonia Augusta Firma 
appears to have felt towards the Dionysian themes, judging by the abundance 
of representations of these in the local mosaics, it was particularly decided to 
include this metamorphosis and this mythical episode, less common, among the 
numerous series of Zeus’ amorous adventures.

7. Ganymede and the Eagle
The next scene is framed in a rectangular field measuring 93.5 cm (N-S) by 
71.0 cm (W-E) (Fig. 20). The figure can be identified as Ganymede (Fig. 3-21) 
thanks to his most distinctive attributes: the Phrygian cap, the chlamys which, 
in this case, is carried over his left arm, and his ephebe-like anatomy, depicted 
here with his back turned. Unlike in other documented cases, he is not wearing 
boots. He holds out a small bowl to an eagle, which we interpret as Zeus, who 
seduced this prince of Troy under the form of this bird, in what seems to be an 
iconographic anticipation of the future occupation reserved for Ganymede as 
cup-carrier of the gods on Olympus. Thus, the moment depicted in the mosaic 
is not the actual moment of the abduction, but the previous seduction, with a 
trusting Ganymede giving a drink to the eagle of Zeus, or to the metamorphosed 
god himself (Fig. 3-22). The depiction of this scene also includes, to the left of 
the young man, a highly simplified representation of a structure including what 
appears to be a column shaft.

Again, this mosaic has chosen a less iconographically common part of the myth. 
Much more usual, as, for example, in the well-known pavement of the House 
of Dyonisos at Nea Paphos (Michaelides 1987: 18 nº14 pl. XXI; Daszewski 

Figure 20
Ganymede and the eagle. Photography by 
Sergio García-Dils.



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- Michaelides 1988a: 31-32 fig. 19; Daszewski - Michaelides 1988b: 31 fig. 13), 
is the scene of the eagle flying with its talons firmly grasping a bewildered youth, 
often depicted in dramatic attitudes trying to break free from the bird’s rapturous 
grasp, or at other times rather pleased and joyful at his fate. In contrast, in the 
mosaic from Astigi the artist has preferred to focus on the scene that precedes 
the previous episode, in which the young Phrygian is shown giving the eagle 
a drink just before it takes flight with its prey. This depiction is found on oil 
lamps, marble and bronze reliefs, inscriptions, carvings and gems, sarcophagi 
and sculptures, but only occasionally in mosaics (Sichtermann 1953: pl. 14.1, 
14.2, 15; Wattel-de Croizant 1974: 295-296; Sichtermann 1988: nº138-169, 
vol. 1, 161-162). We may recall here the example from the House of the Buffet 
Supper in Antioch (Levi 1971: 130-132 pl. XXIV; Blázquez et al. 2004: 311), 
in which Ganymede is depicted frontally, standing on a podium, offering a cup 
to the eagle, of which only the head has been preserved. Also, the pavement 
of Ouled-Agla (Algeria) (Wattel-de Croizant 1995: pl. XXIXa), in a variant in 
which Ganymede gives a drink to Jupiter himself, next to whom the eagle is 
perched. Another example, in a mosaic from a private collection in Belgium, 
kept on loan in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, probably from 
the territories of the Roman provinces of the eastern Mediterranean (Neira 2020: 
145-146 fig. 8). In the Iberian Peninsula, we have the scene depicted in one of 
the frames of the aforementioned mosaic moved to the house of the Countess 
of Lebrija from Italica, dated to the second half of the 2nd century AD, in which 
the protagonist also appears with a chlamys on his back and a Phrygian cap, 
but with the difference that here the eagle perches on an altar or pedestal and 
receives the contents of a phiale offered to him by the young man (CMRE II: nº1, 
25-26, pl. 1-5b; Blázquez et al. 1986: 108). Centuries later, it was with this same 
iconographic formula that B. Thorvaldsen carved his famous representation of 
Ganymede giving drink to the eagle from a bowl. It can also be interpreted here 
as Neira notes (2019: 353-354; 2020: 145) that the scene takes place once the 
rapture has been consummated, with Ganymede, already immortal, serving as 
cupbearer in the Olympian sphere.

There are further parallels in Hispania, which follow the more conventional 
models for depicting the myth. Also, in the Lebrija collection, from Italica and 
dated circa 150 AD (CMRE II: nº4, 28-29 pl. 14; Blázquez et al. 1986: 108 
fig. 12), there is another example, much retouched during its installation in the 
Sevillian palace house, with the main character holding a spear and accompanied 
by a dog. Finally, in the same city, there is evidence of the existence of a third 
Abduction of Ganymede in a pavement that is now lost, possibly from the 
House of the Mosaic of Hylas, the only graphic documentation of which is in the 
description and drawing by Demetrio de los Ríos (CMRE XIII: nº55, 53-55 pl. 
XIV fig. 108). Also, in the uilla of Quintanilla de la Cueza (Palencia), in the floor 
of room 10, from the 4th century AD, we find this particular mythological motif, 
although only one of the eagle’s wings has survived (Blázquez et al. 1986: 108).

In colonia Augusta Firma itself, we have another pavement decoration, located 
in calle San Juan Bosco nº 8-10 (Fig. 12), in which the abductions of Europa and 
Ganymede have been represented together, although unfortunately only the legs 
of the young Phrygian and part of the eagle’s wings have been preserved from 
the latter scene. In this case, the action takes place on the ground, but not, as in 
the present mosaic, in a gentle and calm attitude of the two characters, but in the 
moment when the eagle takes flight with its prey (CMRE XIV: nº65, 110-113 fig. 
111A; García-Dils 2015: 303-309; López Monteagudo 2008: 266-268).



224    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

In the scene identified in the mosaic from Astigi, Ganymede is shown holding 
a spear, an aspect of his iconography that stands for the hunter described in 
certain literary sources (Verg.Aen. 5.253; Stat. 1.549), or that of a warrior in 
some artistic representations (Sichtermann 1953: 89 nº238; Kyle 1960: 259 fig. 
20). We see him in a similar attitude, with a pair of spears and a shield leaning 
against a nearby tree, in the above-mentioned mosaic of the stibadium in the 
House of the Buffet Supper at Antioch, in the Hatay Archaeology Museum in 
Antakya (Dunbabin 2003: 159 fig. 93); in the same museum, the protagonist of 
this mythological episode holds two spears in one of the panels of a mosaic from 
Tarsus, in this case at the moment of being snatched by the eagle of Zeus (Budde 
1969: 93 figs. 169, 172). Also, we see him holding a spear, with a pelta on his 
side, on the pavement of the House of Dionysus in Nea Paphos.

The kind of altar or pedestal on which the eagle appears to rest is not common in 
mosaics in conjunction with this theme, although we can see it in the pavement 
from Italica. On the other hand, this device, which comes from the field of 
sculpture, is better documented in other plastic arts, whether reliefs, jewelry or 
medallions, in which Ganymede appears seated next to the eagle perched on the 
said pedestal (Sichtermann 1988: nº138, 147, 156, 162a and 165, vol. 1, 161-
162).

The Abduction of Ganymede was already celebrated by Homer (Hom.Il. 5.265-
267, 20.230-233;  Hom.h. 5.202-217), who described the Trojan prince as the 
most handsome of men, and for this beauty he was snatched by the gods from 
Mount Ida to be their cup-carrier and to live among the immortals. This is a 
narrative that was very popular among classical authors25, with several variants 
in the transmission of the tradition, and which has had an important repercussion 
in the Greco-Roman plastic arts, whether in paintings, reliefs, sculptures or 
mosaics (Sichtermann 1953: passim; Kyle 1960: passim; Foucher 1979: passim), 
and also among the minor arts. Once again, Zeus interfered with a member of 
mortal royalty, although this case is peculiar in that it is a homosexual affair. 
The depiction of this myth nevertheless has abundant parallels in the Greek and 
Roman world throughout the Empire (Neira 2020: passim).

8. Tellus and a Karpos 
At the northern end of the mosaic, in a frame measuring 3.30 m (W-E) by 0.72 
m (N-S), there are three scenes distributed within an open field (Fig. 21). First, 
Tellus can be recognised (Fig. 3-23), depicted as a female figure reclining on a 
rock, covering her voluptuous naked body with a shawl attached to her head, 
crowned with flowers. She is accompanied by a child (Fig. 3-24). Behind the 
child, there is a basket from which some branches protrude, and a vine that acts 
as a dividing element with the adjoining grape harvest scene (Fig. 22).

25 Pind.Od. 1.43, 11.105; Eur.Tro. 822; Theoc.Id. 20.40-41; Verg.Aen. 1.28, 5.252-257; Hor. 3.20.16; 
Ov.met. 10.155-161; Ov.am. 1.10.7; Prop. 2.30.30; Diod. 4.75.3 and 5; Paus. 5.24.5; Strab. 13.1.11; 
Stat. 1.549; Hyg.fab. 224.4, 271.1.

Figure 21
Mosaic of the Loves of Zeus. Northern 
frame. Photography by Sergio García-Dils.



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In the recently published Corpus of mosaics from Astigi, S. Vargas suggested 
the identification of the female character as Ariadne (CMRE XIV: nº37, 81-
83; Vargas et al. 2021: 226-227). This interpretation was based on an apparent 
attitude of compunction of the eros, which would allude to the abandonment of 
the young woman in Naxos, who looks to her right “consciente de la traición de 
su amante”, Theseus, who took her to the island from Crete after the death of the 
Minotaur, and to the discovery of the island by Bacchus. This was thought to be 
corroborated by the Bacchic affiliation of the two characters on the far right of 
the scene, identified as old satyr with pedum and an individual with a short tunic 
and crown, pointing at Ariadne. For our part, we consider that here we simply 
have the goddess Tellus with a child, as she is usually depicted, although it is not 
completely possible to ascertain the infant’s supposed mournful character from 
the scarce number of tesserae with which the face is composed.

Specifically, we believe that the child accompanying the goddess must be 
identified as a karpos (καρπός), a genie-like infant figure, winged or not, as is 
the case here, representing the link with the fruits of the earth and, therefore, 
sometimes with a cornucopia, his most common attribute, and sometimes with 
baskets of flowers, as in our case. Furthermore, this character is associated with 
the representation of Tellus as karpóphoros (καρπόφορος) or kourotróphos 
(κουροτρόφος).

Tellus Mater, the Greek Gaea or Ge, is a divinity of vegetation, of the fertility 
of the fields, sowing and harvesting, a manifestation of the creative force of 
nature and, therefore, the generator of life in all its forms, animal, vegetable and 
human (Ghisellini 1994: passim; Gesztelyi 1981: passim)26. However, there is a 
theological dimension that considers her to be the mother of the gods. As such, 
she is closely associated with Zeus/Jupiter and, in this sense, her presence in 
the Astigi mosaic is well justified and, in our opinion, better supported than the 
dubious identification with Ariadne in Naxos discovered by Bacchus after her 
abandonment by Theseus, which is suggested in the Corpus of the mosaics of 
colonia Augusta Firma Astigi. On the other hand, it should be stressed that there 
is no reason to suggest that the character located on the right at the other end 

26 Cf. the verse of Hor.carm. saec. 29: “fertilis frugum pecorisque Tellus”.

Figure 22
Tellus and karpos. Photography by Sergio 
García-Dils.



226    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

of the panel is pointing specifically to this female personage, rather than to the 
goat immediately in front of him. This is evidenced by the slightly downward 
inclination of his hand, pointing directly at the goat.  Furthermore, as will be 
seen later in the corresponding section, we have a direct parallel to identify these 
characters with Icarius and one of his servants.

The iconography with which Tellus was represented in the Imperial period 
became canonised from the time of Augustus, when she was incorporated into 
the state pantheon under the formula of Terra Mater, from a scheme based on 
Hellenistic and Alexandrian prototypes: reclining or lying on the ground, with 
her bust erect and leaning on one arm folded while extending the other, a cloak 
draped around her legs, and sometimes, as seems to be the case here, with a veil 
or shawl ballooned behind her back and head. Crowns of ears of corn, leaves, 
flowers or fruit are also common attributes also found in our mosaic. On the other 
hand, it is not possible to determine with certainty whether the goddess wears 
a representation of the serpent on her neck, a symbol of the constant renewal 
of nature, which Tellus usually wears in other images with greater definition, 
or whether it is a simple necklace, as can also be seen in other representations; 
only a row of blue tesserae is really distinguishable, which mark a clear contrast 
with the divinity’s dark skin. Finally, the same pose, looking backwards, is well 
attested in the iconography of Tellus, and is found, for example, on a sarcophagus 
from the Vrbs, alongside Prometheus (Ghisellini 1994: nº85, vol. 1, 886 and 
vol. 2, 610). There is also no lack of written (Philostr. 2.34) and iconographic 
evidence, both in reliefs (Ghisellini 1994: nº23-27, 29, 46-47, vol. 1, 881-883, 
vol. 2, 607) and mosaics (Ghisellini 1994: nº41, 42, 44, 53, 54, vol. 1, 882-884, 
vol. 2, 608), of the link between Tellus and the Seasons, as seen in the floor 
from Astigi. According to Hanfmann (1951: I, 182; II, 82 n. 232; 143 n. 81; 
150, n. 151, 152; Quet 1981: 193 n. 777), the combination of Tellus and the 
seasons of the year would be a characteristic of imperial art, and would not be 
attested anywhere before the 3rd century AD, thus supporting the date in this 
century for the mosaic (Vid. infra). This is the case, for example, of the Aion 
mosaic from Sentinum, from the beginning of the 3rd century AD, preserved 
in the glyptotheque of Munich (Gelsomini 1996-1997; Ghisellini 1994: nº42, 
vol. 1, 883), and the Tellus mosaic from Carthago, from the first half of the 4th 
century AD (Parrish 1984: 50-51, 122-125, nº13 pl. 23; Ghisellini 1994: nº44, 
vol. 1, 883, vol. 2, 608).

Apart from these examples, a painting from the Via Latina catacomb, dating 
from the first half of the 4th century AD (Ghisellini 1994: nº5, vol. 1, 880 and vol. 
2, 605), and two reliefs, one from the Vatican necropolis, dated circa 170 AD 
(Ghisellini 1994: nº6, vol. 1, 880), and the other from Pannonia, from the end of 
the 2nd century AD (Ghisellini 1994: nº16, vol. 1, 880 and vol. 2, 606), should 
also be mentioned for their iconographic proximity in terms of the representation 
of Tellus. Finally, although she is not shown in the iconography present in the 
mosaic from Astigi, as only her bust is adorned with flowers, fruit and ears of 
wheat, it is worth noting in this context the presence of Tellus in a pavement 
from the House of the Birds in Italica, dated between 150 and 175 AD, with a 
crown of ears of wheat, flowers and fruit, a cloak and a serpent coiled around her 
neck (CMRE XIII: nº19, 38-39 fig. 56 pl. VII, fig. 57; Luzón 1972: 291-295, fig. 
19.1; Ghisellini 1994: nº13, vol. 1, 880, vol. 2, 606).



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9. Grape Harvest
In the centre of the panel is a grape harvest scene (Fig. 23). Moreover, the scene 
is dedicated to the production of wine, represented by four figures treading the 
grapes that a fifth figure pours into the vats, just as documented in the mosaic 
of the Tigerreiter in the domus of the Calle Espíritu Santo in Astigi (Fig. 24) 
(CMRE XIV: nº23, 62-65; García-Dils 2015: 350-360). The must produced in 
the vats is poured into two dolia through two orifices topped with feline heads. 
While one of the actors in the scene (Fig. 3-25) is shown pouring a bucket of vine 
shoots into the vat, a Silenus (Fig. 3-26), a satyr (Fig. 3-27) and two other figures 
(Figs. 3-28 and 3-29), all with their shepherd’s staff or pedum, are treading the 
grapes. The scene is framed by two vines.

In general, as Balmelle and Brun pointed out, the mosaic iconography linked 
to the culture of the vineyard and the making of wine can be organised around 
two major cycles (Balmelle - Brun 2005: 899; Dunbabin 1978: 115-; Blázquez 
1993: passim). On the one hand, there is the seasonal cycle of agricultural work, 
to which our pavement could only very tangentially be ascribed, given that only 
one of the operations in the work chain of wine production, the treading of the 
grapes, is represented here. In fact, there are no references to the harvesting of 
the fruit, the transport of the bunches in carts or on the backs of animals, the 
preparation of the dolia and the fermentation of the must, the pressing of the 

Figure 23
Grape harvest. Photography by Sergio 
García-Dils.

Figure 24
Mosaic of the Tigerreiter from Calle Espíritu 
Santo. Photography by Sergio García-Dils.



228    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

paste generated in the treading, etc., all aspects which are well represented in 
other mosaics of the Roman world, both urban and rural, although certainly not 
all of them to the same level of detail and precision (Dunbabin 1978: 16 pl. 7-8). 
For this reason, it seems much appropriate to associate our pavement with the 
other great figurative cycle, the Dionysian programme, as can be drawn from 
the immediate presence of Icarius and the inclusion of some of the characters 
usually accompanying his procession, the Silenus and the Satyr, who take part 
in this scene.

The frame that we are now discussing depicts a common activity in agricultural 
installations, the treading of grapes prior to pressing and fermentation. However, 
despite being a common place scene, it is by no means a trivial one, since not 
in vain was Dionysus himself its inventor. In fact, it is usual for iconography, 
including mosaics, to select the scene of treading as an emblematic image of 
the whole process of transforming grapes into wine, which is why it is the most 
common representation of this activity, as it is also an operation that symbolises 
the end of a whole process, that of harvesting, which required so much effort 
on the part of the communities whose livelihood depended on the production of 
wine. The figure who is pouring the bucket with the grape shoots (Fig. 3-25), 
evidently a uindemiator who had previously picked the ripe grapes from the 
vineyard, seems to be handling a small basket without handles in the shape of 
a truncated cone -a corbula (Varro rust. 1.15; Colum. 12.52.8; White 1975: 56-
59) or, more properly, a qualus uindemiatorius27-, although it could also be a 
wooden bucket if we consider the three metal rings or straps that can be seen 
around the utensil. In this case, it would be a hama, a container that some texts 
include among the farm tools, the instrumentum fundi (Dig. 33.7.12.18, 21; Isid. 
Etym. 20.15.3). The grapes are being deposited in the wine vat, here a large 
tank represented in its usual quadrangular shape, named forum28 in the texts on 
agronomic subjects, or by its synonym, linter (Tib. 1.5.23-24; White 1975: 164-
165) and in which the grapes were trampled before pressing, not depicted in our 
mosaic. This process made it possible to obtain the grape juice and a paste still 
full of juice, called pes, which was then pressed mechanically by means of one 
of the various procedures –lever or screw presses– available in the Roman world. 
In our case, the bunches of grapes are depicted in a very schematic manner, 
without responding to the usual norm of their figuration in relief and mosaic, 
which usually treats them realistically in a triangular scheme of superimposed 
rows of rounded fruits (Braemer 1990: passim).

Inside this tank, apparently of masonry, there are four figures treading the 
grapes. They are what some texts call calcatores -ληνοβάται-. Three of them 
are represented carrying their respective pedum, which here seems to be an 
exhibition of a Bacchic attribute rather than a stick used by other figures to avoid 
falling in such a slippery environment.29 Of these three, the one on the far left is a 
silenus with his prominent bald head and bushy beard (Fig. 3-26); next to him is 
a satyr (Fig. 3-27), identifiable by his characteristic horns. The other two figures 
(Figs. 3-28 and 3-29), clearly more muscular, must correspond to characters 
from the Bacchic procession that we cannot specifically identify. Contrary to 
what is usually the norm in representations in relief, here the gatherers are not 

27 Gloss. Lat. 5.237.46: “qualos corbes quibus uuae portantur”; Dig. 33.7.8: “quali uindemiatorii 
exceptoriique in quibus uuae comportantur”. White 1975: 59-61.

28 Varro rust. 1.54.2; Colum. 11.2.71, 12.18.3; Isid. Etym. 15.6.8: “forus est locus, ubi uua calcatur, 
dictus quod ibi feratur uua, uel propter quod ibi pedibus feriatur”; White 1975: 147-149.

29 This circumstance is pointed out by White 1970: pl. 60. On other occasions, the calcatores are shown 
attached to ropes hanging from the ceiling of the room in which they work.



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depicted holding hands, but each one is shown moving at his own pace. They 
all appear dancing, following the rhythm of the music that the written sources 
tell us was used to accompany this process (Nonn. Dion. 12.350-355, 366-
369; Longus, Daphnis & Chloe 2.36) and is also occasionally reflected in the 
iconography (Tchernia - Brun 1999: 76 fig. 95, 83 fig. 107; Balmelle - Brun 
2005: 909 fig. 12c). Finally, they are all barefoot and naked, which clearly refers 
to the symbolic Bacchic context in which this scene should be considered. In 
contrast, some texts are expressive about the hygiene recommendations to be 
followed for treading in the wine vats, for instance, in the Geoponica it is stated 
that the men treading the grapes must be dressed and wearing pants, due to the 
sweat they secrete (Geop. 6.11).
As mentioned above, the grape must flow into the dolia through two orifices in the 
vat, decorated with lion’s heads. This motif can also be seen in other pavements, 
as for example in one of the frames of a mosaic from Cherchel with the theme 
of the grape harvest, albeit of a very late date, in the late 4th or early 5th century 
(Dunbabin 1978: 116 pl. 105; Ferdi 2005: 106-108, nº86 pl. XXXIX, nº86; 
Balmelle - Brun 2005: 908 fig. 11c). It has also been noted that this decoration 
appears as a constituent element in the drainage devices of Roman wine-making 
installations in the area surrounding Alexandria (Brun 2004: 153-157, uillae de 
Huwariya and Burg el-Arab; Balmelle - Brun 2005: 907-908; Tchernia - Brun 
1999: 84-85 fig. 110), and there is also no shortage of figurative documentation 
in the western Roman provinces.30 The mosaic from Astigi, as is usual, shows a 
simplification of the operations of pressing and obtaining the grape must, since 
it was usual for it to flow from larger to smaller vats and then into the containers 
for fermentation. Here the creator of the mosaic, in his eagerness to simplify, 
chose to have the liquid collected directly from the dolia. These, as well as in 
the Cherchel parallel mentioned above, are depicted in a similar manner to that 
documented in other mosaics of the same scene, which will be referred to below.

Scenes representing grape-treading are relatively frequent from the 3rd century 
onwards in Mediterranean mosaics. Therefore, there is no shortage of scenes like 
that documented in Astigi, which are abundant both in Hispania and beyond. 
There is an excellent parallel in Écija itself, in the Tigerreiter mosaic (Fig. 24) 
(CMRE XIV: nº23, 62-65; García-Dils 2015: 350-360). Among other scenes of 
Dionysian content, it contains a representation, unfortunately incomplete, of the 
treading of the grapes in a vat by figures holding hands –one of them, the only 
one preserved, holding on to a rope hanging over his head– while the must flows 
towards three dolia in a very realistic manner through the corresponding holes 
in the vat.
We may also mention the mosaic from Italica figuring Dionysian thiasos, in 
the Ibarra collection and dated to the second half of the 2nd or beginning of the 
3rd century. In one of the octagonal scenes, there are three fauns, each carrying 
their pedum, treading grapes while the must flows from the vat (CMRE II: nº5, 
29-30 pl. 15-16). From Mérida, from the House of the Amphitheatre, another 
mosaic, dated to the 3rd century AD, shows three workers busy at a shallow 
wine-vat, holding hands while two of them lean on sticks (CMRE I: nº39, 44, 
Pl. 73; Trillmich - Nünnerich-Asmus 1993: 297 fig. 67b). Finally, a 4th-century 
pavement from Complutum depicts three harvesters holding hands, two of them 
with their pedum, in a clearly Bacchic context with the presence of Dionysus, 
satyrs and maenads (Fernández-Galiano 1984: 171-179).

30 E.g., the bas-relief in the Louvre Museum with a scene of grapes being crushed in a vat with two lion-
headed spillways (Tchernia - Brun 1999: 52 fig. 53). Or the same motif on one of the winepresses of 
the Molard uilla (Drôme), Brun 2005: 47.



230    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

Other parallels beyond the Iberian Peninsula can be mentioned, without dwelling 
here on this well-attested representation in the field of sarcophagus relief 
(Hanfmann 1951: n. 470, 471, 475, 480, 492, etc.; Matz 1969: passim; Blázquez 
1996: 522-523; Turcan 1999: 114, 156, 164 etc.; Nicolau - Zimmermann 2001: 
236-237). In the field of mosaics, many pavements are illustrated with this 
same scene, with the logical variations derived from the personal taste of the 
commissioners and the skill of the craftsmen. In Caesarea (Cherchel), one of the 
pavements of the House of the Bacchic Mosaic, dating from the end of the 3rd 
or beginning of the 4th century, shows three workers holding hands and treading 
the grapes while a fourth supplies more grapes to the vat (Dunbabin 1978: 116 
pl. 105; Ferdi 2005: 60-61, nº45 pl. XIII, nº45; Blázquez 1996: pl. X.1). Dating 
from the first third of the 3rd century AD, there is a mosaic from Thysdrus (El 
Djem); in this case there are only two workers, holding on to ropes hanging from 
a bar, another of the devices used to avoid slipping during the treading operation 
(Dunbabin 1978: 111 pl. 99; Parrish 1984: 158, Pl. 42; Tchernia - Brun 1999: 
69 fig. 80; Foucher 2002: 92-93 fig. 24; Brun - Tchernia 2004: 244 fig. 263). 
Moving on to the Italic peninsula, in Minturnae there are three people employed 
in these tasks while the must flows into the storage dolia (Balmelle - Brun 2005: 
907 fig. 11a), while in Rome itself, in one of the mosaics of the vault of the 
mausoleum of Constantina, the daughter of Constantine, in the church of Saint 
Constance, there are three grape pickers, each armed with a pedum (Stern 1958: 
fig. 33; Oakeshott 1967; Brun - Balmelle 2004: 318 fig. 350). In Gaul, one of 
the paintings (XXIV) of the well-known mosaic of St-Romain-en-Gal, dating 
from the first quarter of the 3rd century AD, a pavement that summarises the 
various activities of the grape harvest and wine-making process, includes the 
scene of the treading and decanting of the grape must into four dolia (Tchernia 
- Brun 1999: 83 fig. 107; Balmelle - Brun 2005: 908 fig. 11b). In the Musée de 
la Civilisation Gallo-Romaine in Lyon, there is a mosaic, dated around 150 AD, 
showing a grape harvester treading grapes in a vat connected to the collecting 
dolia by lead pipes (Brun 2005: 58; Brun - Tchernia 2004: 237 fig. 253). In the 
mosaic from Sepphoris (Israel), satyrs are treading of the grapes in the form of a 
dance.31 Finally, from the late Antique period, in the 6th and 7th centuries, there 
are some church pavements that depict this same scene of grape treading in the 
wine-vat. Those from the Syrian area, in which the calcatores are associated 
with a screw press in a central position, are particularly noteworthy (Brun 2003: 
216-217; Brun 2004: 128-129).

The Dionysian associations of this agricultural economic activity and the sacred 
symbolism of wine production, linked to the figure of Dionysus and the concepts 
of fertility, prosperity and wealth embedded in the production of wine and the 
exploitation of nature, must have infused the ideology of a great landlord such 
as the probable owner of the monumental domus of Astigi. The ideas of pleasure, 
joie de vivre and drink are also at the base of the Dionysian notions that justify 
the inclusion of a wine-making scene in the mosaic repertoire of the room.

10. Icarius and a Servant
Finally, on the right of the panel are two men wearing boots and the short 
tunic characteristic of peasants and shepherds (Fig. 25). The one on the left, a 
young man with curly hair, points to a vine with his right hand (Fig. 3-30). Next 
to him is a mature, bearded individual, holding a pedum in his left hand and 
wearing a petasos (Fig. 3-31). This character is undoubtedly Icarius (Gondicas 

31 Balmelle - Brun 2005: 907, 909 fig. 12a. In this case, the motif is accompanied by the inscription 
ΛΗΝΟΒΑΤΕ (ληνοβάτης), allusive precisely to the treading of the grapes.



The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ...  / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ...   231

1990: passim), the Athenian hero through whom the knowledge of wine was 
transmitted to mankind. He is depicted holding his hand to his mouth in surprise. 
In front of them is a goat (Fig. 3-32), eating the grapes hanging from a vine. 
Although it may be suggestive in the overall context of the mosaic as a whole, 
in this panel in particular representing agricultural wealth and wine production, 
we do not identify the young character as Dionysus,32 considering that he is not 
wearing any of the proper attributes, such as the crown of branches, the nebris or 
the thyrsus, nor is it expressly a scene related to the offering of the gift of wine. 33 

According to the mythological accounts,34 Icarius, father of Erygone, was an 
Athenian hero who, during the reign of the mythical King Pandion, received 
from Dionysus the gift of knowledge of vine-growing and winemaking after the 
god had fallen in love with the girl and in gratitude for the hospitality he had been 
given on his visit to Athens. In other versions of the story (Sil.Pun. 7.171-176; 
Ach.Tat. 2.2; Nonn.Dion. 47.34-39), Icarius is presented as a gardener, which 
fits better with the depiction of him in our mosaic as a peasant or shepherd, rather 
than a figure of royal blood. Enthused by the new liquor, and disregarding the 
god’s advice not to disclose his knowledge because of the disasters it could bring 
upon him and his family, Icarius in turn shared a wineskin with the shepherds 
around him, who, intoxicated and believing themselves poisoned, killed him 
and buried his corpse under a tree. The invention of viticulture was, therefore, 
attributed to this kind, familiar and close god. His gift, wine, would provide 
mortals with a formula to forget their worries and anxieties of daily existence, 
bringing them joy, happiness and rejoicing at banquets, which, however, had 
to be controlled if it was not to lead to violence and madness (Detienne 2000: 
passim).

As for the specific scene that appears in the mosaic from Astigi, we believe 
that it evokes the episode that appears in Hyginus, who recorded a tradition 

32 We did assess this possibility, as a working hypothesis, in the course of the preliminary study of the 
mosaic (Ordóñez - García-Dils 2017: 591-593).

33 Vid. Gasparri - Veneri 1986: passim, especially in the section devoted to the visit of Dionysus to Icari-
us (Gasparri - Veneri 1986: nº855-858, vol. 1, 495). Also, Augé - Linant de Bellefonds 1986: passim, 
with Icarius in nº103, vol. 1, 524; Gasparri 1986: passim.

34 Hyg.astr. 2.4; Hyg.fab. 130; Apollod. 3.14.7; Arist.Frg. 515; Ail.nat. 7.28; Eratosth.Erigone frg. 22-
27. About the figure of Icarius, vid. Heeg 1914: passim; Conticello 1961: passim.

Figure 25
Icarius and a servant. Photography by Sergio 
García-Dils.



232    Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

relating to Icarius dating back to the Hellenistic period. After learning the art of 
viticulture from Dionysos, “It is said that, once he had planted the vine and made 
it blossom with ease, having taken great care of it, a billy-goat rushed into the 
vineyard and plucked the tenderest leaves it saw. Icarius, angered by this, took 
the goat away and killed it. He turned the goat’s skin into a wineskin, filled it 
with air, tied it up and threw it at his companions, forcing them to jump around 
it. Thus says Eratosthenes: ‘At the feet of Icarius there is, for the first time, 
dancing around a billy-goat’.” (Hyg.astr. 2.4.2; see also Ov.fast. 1.354-360). The 
surprised, perhaps even angry, reaction of Icarius, raising his hand to his mouth, 
and even the position of his legs, as if he were about to start running, support 
this suggestion. However, we are aware that other interpretations are possible, 
following the texts of Hyginus himself. Thus, in the light of another passage of 
the author, in which the discovery of pruning is recorded, “a goat, which had 
gnawed a vine, caused it to produce more fruit; hence the invention of pruning” 
(Hyg.fab. 274.1), one could point in this direction, given that pruning for fruiting, 
with the intervention of animals, whether in green (spring) or dry (winter), was 
well known in the Roman world (Varro rust. 1.31.1-4; Colum. 4.10). This would 
also justify the scene in the mosaic in Calle Espíritu Santo, where it is Icarius 
himself who presents the bunch of grapes to the caprid (Fig. 24).

The parallels of our scene in the field of mosaic art are certainly not numerous. 
The most significant appears to be the right-hand side panel of a 4th century 
AD mosaic, now on display in the town hall of Manosque (Alpes-de-Haute-
Provence, France), recovered from the triclinium of the uilla of Pèbre near 
Vinon-sur-Verdon (Var), which shows a scene very similar to that of Astigi, 
both in terms of the composition and the clothing of the figures, wearing boots 
and short tunics (Fig. 26) (Gondicas 1990: nº3, vol. 1, 645-646; Chaillan 1919: 
passim; Brun 2003: 46; Brun 2005: 77). Icarius, wearing a petasos, points with 
his right hand to a goat perched in a vine, eating its fruit, while his companion, 
identified as a servant, gestures with his hands. The general contexts are also 
similar. In the mosaic of Écija, the grape harvest and Tellus appear next to this 
scene, and in the mosaic from Gaul, it is accompanied by the Three Graces –
central panel– and Dionysus and Icarius –left panel– (Fig. 27). In this respect, 
note may be made of the univocal characterisation here of Dionysus, crowned 

Figure 26
Icarius and a servant in the mosaic from the 
uilla of Pèbre near Vinon-sur-Verdon (Var). 
Photography by Alberto Bolaños.

Figure 27
Dionysus and Icarius in the mosaic from the 
uilla of Pèbre near Vinon-sur-Verdon (Var). 
Photography by Alberto Bolaños.



The mosaics of the Domus I of the Plaza de Armas of the Royal Alcazar in Roman ...  / Roma Kolonisi Augusta Firma’daki Kraliyet Sarayı Plaza de ...   233

with branches, naked, covered only with a cloak over his left shoulder, holding 
an amphora in his right hand and a thyrsus in his left.

In relation to Icarius, we must once again mention the Tigerreiter mosaic from 
Écija (Fig. 24) (CMRE XIV: nº23, 62-65; García-Dils 2015: 350-360), in which 
this figure is represented as an elderly, bald, grey-bearded man, seated on a rock 
and surrounded by vine branches. He wears a short tunic that exposes his right 
shoulder and a bluish cloak over his left shoulder, and boots. He holds a pedum 
in his left hand, resting on his shoulder, and in his right hand he holds a bunch of 
grapes, with which he feeds a goat.

In one of the mosaic panels in the House of Dionysus at Nea Paphos (Cyprus), 
dated to the late 3rd or early 4th century AD, Dionysus is depicted seated, offering 
a bunch of grapes to the nymph Acme, while beside him Icarius is shown as a 
herdsman with his load of wineskins, as well as a pair of drunken shepherds 
beside him with a legend identifying them as the first wine drinkers (Gondicas 
1990: nº4, vol. 1, 646; Daszewski - Michaelides 1988a: 40-43 figs. 29-32; 
Daszewski - Michaelides 1988b: 23-25 fig. 8). The depiction of Icarius is along 
the lines of the one in the Tigerreiter mosaic.

11. Chronology
In addition to the stylistic evidence, which can be inferred from the 
characterisation of the different characters that appear in the mosaic, discussed 
in the previous sections, the main direct indication of date of the mosaic of the 
Loves of Zeus [UEC-15219] is provided by the ceramic materials recovered in 
its subbase [UEC-15244] and in the level located immediately below it [UED-
15275]. Considering the presence of African sigillata, the construction of the 
room can be dated to the 2nd century AD, a time frame that can be refined to the 
second half of the century according to the known typological parallels. Based 
on the terminus post quem provided by the pottery analysis and considering 
the themes represented, as well as the iconographic and formal parallels of the 
mosaic, we are inclined to place its execution in the Severan period. 

As for the abandonment of the room, materialised in [UED-15218], interpreted as 
the level of the first generalised collapse over the mosaic pavement, the presence 
of African kitchen wares and of their regional imitations, as well as fragments of 
common pottery with a coarse fabric, point to a date from the beginning of the 
4th century.35

35 Data provided by J. Vázquez, responsible for the ceramic analysis of the archaeological intervention.



234   Sergio García-Dils de la Vega - Salvador Ordóñez Agulla

Bibliography – Kaynaklar   

Abad 1990a  L.